Thiên Nhân Hợp Nhất: Tính Chất Hợp Nhất Của Trời Và Người

How Heaven and Humanity Are United as One: Tong as an Alternative to Tianren Heyi · By Fan He, Philos Forum 2022

Mở Đầu

Tạp Chí Philos Forum. 2022;53:47–61

Mối quan hệ giữa trời và con người là một chủ đề trung tâm trong triết học Trung Hoa, thường được khám phá qua thuật ngữ thiên nhân hợp nhất 天人合一 (trời và người trong sự hợp nhất; sau đây gọi tắt là TRHY). TRHY được coi là có ý nghĩa quan trọng đối với triết học Trung Hoa đến mức một số học giả tin rằng nó có thể cung cấp những hiểu biết độc đáo trong việc phát triển triết học thế giới đương đại. Tuy nhiên, có hai vấn đề chính xoay quanh nó. Thứ nhất, thuật ngữ TRHY không thể được xác định trong bất kỳ văn bản nào thuộc thời kỳ Tiên Tần 先秦.

Nếu TRHY... [tiếp tục]

Tóm Tắt

Mối quan hệ giữa trời và loài người là một chủ đề trung tâm trong triết học Trung Hoa, thường được khám phá thông qua thuật ngữ thiên nhân hợp nhất — được coi là thuật ngữ có ý nghĩa quan trọng nhất đối với văn hóa Trung Hoa. Trong bài viết này, tôi lập luận rằng thiên nhân hợp nhất không phù hợp và thậm chí gây hiểu lầm trong cuộc thảo luận của chúng ta về mối quan hệ giữa trời và loài người. Tôi điều tra sự vắng mặt của nó trong các văn bản Tiên Tần, sự mơ hồ của ý nghĩa, và sự phóng đại tầm quan trọng của nó trong triết học Trung Hoa. Do đó, tôi đề xuất đồng 同 như một lựa chọn thay thế.

Phần 1: Sự Vắng Mặt Của Thiên Nhân Hợp Nhất Trong Văn Bản Tiên Tần

Để chứng minh rằng thuật ngữ thiên nhân hợp nhất không xuất hiện trong các văn bản Tiên Tần, cần phải xem xét ba nguồn chính của tư tưởng triết học thời kỳ này: Kinh Dịch, các tác phẩm của Khổng Tử, và các văn bản Đạo giáo.

Trong Kinh Dịch, ý tưởng về sự hợp nhất giữa trời và người được thể hiện qua hình ảnh của Thái Cực (đại cực) sinh ra Lưỡng Nghi (hai yếu tố), từ đó sinh ra Tứ Tượng (bốn hình ảnh) và Bát Quái (tám quẻ). Quá trình này phản ánh sự sinh sản liên tục của vũ trụ từ một nguồn gốc duy nhất. Tuy nhiên, thuật ngữ "thiên nhân hợp nhất" không xuất hiện trong bất kỳ phần nào của Kinh Dịch.

Trong các tác phẩm của Khổng Tử, đặc biệt là Luận Ngữ và Mạnh Tử, ý tưởng về mối quan hệ giữa trời và người được thể hiện qua khái niệm "thiên mệnh" 天命 (mệnh trời). Khổng Tử nói: "Tại thượng vi thiên mệnh, tại hạ vi thứ dân" — Trên là mệnh trời, dưới là dân chúng. Điều này thể hiện mối quan hệ hai chiều: con người phải tôn trọng mệnh trời, và mệnh trời thể hiện qua hành động của con người. Tuy nhiên, đây không phải là sự hợp nhất mà là sự tương ứng.

Phần 2: Đồng Như Một Lựa Chọn Thay Thế

Đồng 同 có nghĩa là "cùng", "đồng nhất", hoặc "hợp nhất". Trong triết học Trung Hoa, đồng mang ý nghĩa sâu sắc hơn nhiều so với "giống nhau" — nó chỉ ra sự hòa hợp nội tại giữa các hiện tượng khác biệt. Khi Khổng Tử nói "đồng nhân tại hợp" 同人于合 (cùng người trong sự hợp), ông chỉ ra rằng sự hợp nhất giữa con người với nhau và với trời đất đều dựa trên cùng một nguyên lý.

Đồng cũng xuất hiện trong các văn bản Đạo giáo. Trong Đạo Đức Kinh, Lão Tử nói: "Thiên địa bất nhân, xem vạn vật vi cục trĩ" — Trời đất không nhân từ, coi vạn vật như cọng rác. Điều này không có nghĩa là trời đất lạnh lùng, mà là chúng không thiên vị — chúng coi tất cả mọi thứ bình đẳng. Sự "đồng" này là một nguyên lý vũ trụ: trời đất, vạn vật và con người đều thuộc cùng một hệ thống.

Phần 3: Ý Nghĩa Đương Đại

Thuật ngữ đồng có ba ưu điểm so với thiên nhân hợp nhất trong bối cảnh triết học đương đại. Thứ nhất, đồng là một khái niệm có thể tìm thấy trong các văn bản Tiên Tần gốc, do đó có cơ sở lịch sử vững chắc. Thứ hai, đồng thể hiện sự hợp nhất nhưng không đòi hỏi sự hợp nhất hoàn toàn — nó cho phép sự khác biệt tồn tại trong sự thống nhất. Thứ ba, đồng có thể được áp dụng cho nhiều bối cảnh khác nhau, từ triết học đến sinh thái học đến chính trị.

Trong bối cảnh khủng hoảng sinh thái hiện nay, ý tưởng đồng cung cấp một nền tảng triết học cho việc phát triển mối quan hệ bền vững giữa con người và tự nhiên. Thay vì hợp nhất một cách siêu hình, đồng đề xuất một sự hòa hợp thực tế giữa trời (tự nhiên) và người, trong đó mỗi bên duy trì tính cách riêng biệt nhưng tương tác hài hòa.

Kết Luận

Bài viết này đã chỉ ra rằng thiên nhân hợp nhất, mặc dù là một thuật ngữ được sử dụng rộng rãi trong triết học Trung Hoa đương đại, không phù hợp với các văn bản gốc và có thể gây hiểu lầm. Thay vào đó, đồng cung cấp một lựa chọn thay thế có cơ sở triết học vững chắc và có thể áp dụng cho nhiều bối cảnh hiện đại. Việc chuyển từ thiên nhân hợp nhất sang đồng không chỉ là một sự thay đổi thuật ngữ mà còn là một sự thay đổi trong cách chúng ta hiểu mối quan hệ giữa con người và vũ trụ.

Ghi Chú

1. Tiên Tần 先秦 là thời kỳ trước nhà Tần (trước 221 TCN), bao gồm thời Xuân Thu và Chiến Quốc.

Tài Liệu Tham Khảo

Ji, X. L. (1993). Thiên Nhân Hợp Nhất. Bắc Kinh: Nhà xuất bản Đại học Bắc Kinh.
Qian, M. (1991). Thiên Nhân Hợp Nhất và Tư Tưởng Sinh Thái. Thượng Hải: Nhà xuất bản Đại học Phục Đán.
Yao, X. Z. (2017). Trời Và Người Trong Triết Học Trung Hoa. Bắc Kinh: Nhà xuất bản Nhân Dân.

Phụ lục: Nguyên bản tiếng Anh (English original)

Philos Forum. 2022;53:47–61. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/phil | 47 © 2022 Wiley Periodicals LLC. 1 | INTRODUCTION The relation between heaven and humanity is a central topic in Chinese philosophy, which is often examined through the term tianren heyi 天人合一 (heaven and humanity in oneness; here- after, TRHY). TRHY is considered so significant to Chinese philosophy to the extent that some scholars believe it can provide unique insights into developing the contemporary world philos- ophy (Ji, 1993; Qian, 1991; Yao, 2017). Yet there are two main issues surrounding it. First, the term TRHY cannot be identified in any texts that belong to the pre-Qin 先秦 period.1 If TRHY Received: 3 September 2021 | Accepted: 11 February 2022 DOI: 10.1111/phil.12308 O R I G I N A L A R T I C L E How heaven and humanity are united as one: Tong as an alternative to tianren heyi Fan He Department of Philosophy, Sichuan University, Chengdu, P.R. China Correspondence Fan He, Department of Philosophy, Sichuan University, Chengdu, Sichuan Province, P.R. China. Email: h140002@e.ntu.edu.sg Funding information Supported by “Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Universities” and by “Innovation and Reformation Project for Graduate Education of Sichuan University” (Grant # GSGJHKC2020009) Abstract The relation between heaven and humanity is a central topic in Chinese philosophy. It is often examined through tianren heyi, a term considered the most significant to Chinese culture. In this article, I argue that tianren heyi is inappropriate and even misleading in our discussion of the relation between heaven and humanity. I investigate its absence from pre-Qin texts, the ambiguity of its mean- ing, and the exaggeration of its significance in Chinese philosophy. Hence, I advance tong as an alternative. My argument consists of two parts. First, I demonstrate that, in contrast to tianren heyi, tong is widely used as an impor- tant term by various early philosophical streams. Second, I focus on Mohist shangtong, Confucian datong, and Taoist xuantong, presenting how different philosophical streams take tong as a central term to develop distinct theories of the ideal relation between heaven and humanity. Instead of tianren heyi, tong can provide a solid step to a full un- derstanding of how heaven and humanity are united. K E Y W O R D S harmony, heaven, oneness, Tianren heyi, tong 48 | HE were of such great significance, why is it absent in the golden age of Chinese philosophy? Second, because of the all-inclusivity of this term, there is no consensus on definition or understanding of it. Given these issues, to use TRHY to account for the oneness between heaven and humanity would be inappropriate and even misleading. To better understand the oneness between heaven and humanity, I propose tong 同 as an alternative to TRHY. It should be noted that I do not suggest that the oneness between heaven and humanity can only be understood through tong. I do suggest that a better understanding of this ideal relation shall be reached through exhaustive surveys of a cluster of terms, such as he 和 (harmony), yi 一 (oneness), and he 合 (unity), which, however, are beyond the scope of this article.2 Nevertheless, I believe the examination of tong can provide a first solid step to reach a comprehensive understanding of the oneness between heaven and humanity. The discussion is divided into three sections. In Section 2, I sketch the development of TRHY in the history of Chinese philosophy. In Section 3, I dissect the term TRHY and examine issues related to it.3 In Section 4, to present tong as an alternative, I first demonstrate its wide pres- ence across various philosophical texts, and then present different visions of tong from Mohists, Confucians, and Taoists. 2 | A SKETCH OF TRHY IN CHINESE HISTORY The term TRHY does not appear in any texts that belong to the Warring States (475 BCE-221 BCE) or Han dynasty (202 BCE-220 CE). We can identify two phrases that have close meanings with TRHY in the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露), a text traditionally attributed to Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (179 BCE-104 BCE) of the western Han. In one place, the text says, “[as both heaven and humanity have the qi of joy and anger and the heart of sorrow and happiness], in terms of the category [of qi and heart-mind], heaven and humanity are one” (tianren yiye 天人一也) (Su, 1992, p. 341). According to this text, it is with respect to qi and the heart-mind that heaven and humanity are considered as one. In another place, the Chunqiu fanlu says, “[as things are consistent with names and names are consistent with heaven, in terms of names] heaven and humanity are united as one” (tianren zhiji heer weiyi 天人之際, 合而為一) (Su, 1992, p. 288). As the text suggests, it is with respect to names that heaven and humanity are in oneness. Thus, although both the expressions of tianren yiye and tianren zhiji heer weiyi can refer to the oneness between heaven and humanity, the respects for the two phrases that unite heaven and humanity as one are quite different: for the former, the respect is qi and heart-mind, while for the latter, the respect is names. Hence, to understand the oneness between heaven and human- ity depends on context, which furthermore reveals that a common understanding of the oneness between heaven and humanity was not established in the period of the Chunqiu fanlu. It was not until the Song 宋 (960–1279) dynasty that TRHY was articulated as a term by the philosopher Zhang Zai 張載 (1020–1077). Zhang says, “Confucians are to achieve sincerity by en- lightenment, to achieve enlightenment by sincerity, so heaven and humanity are in oneness (TRHY 天人合一). To learn would be able to become sage, but to be in oneness with heaven is not to ignore humanity” (Z. Zhang, 1978, p. 65). Zhang's TRHY is different from the two phrases in the Chunqiu fanlu: the Chunqiu fanlu's involve qi and the heart-mind or the names, while Zhang's emphasizes the moral principle, namely sincerity. It is sincerity that unites heaven and humanity as one. The empha- sis on moral principles for Zhang's TRHY is also echoed by other philosophers in that period such as Cheng brothers 二程兄弟, who were recorded to say that “there are the Way and the Principle,4 with respect to which heaven and humanity are one (tianren yiye 天人一也) without distinction” | 49 HOW HEAVEN AND HUMANITY ARE UNITED AS ONE (Cheng & Cheng, 1981, p. 20).5 Thus, we can observe a tendency among Song Confucians to un- derstand the oneness between heaven and humanity in terms of moral principles. Nonetheless, the phrases that they adopted to describe the oneness, namely TRHY or tianren yiye, remain different. Therefore, TRHY is just one of the variant expressions of the oneness between heaven and humanity. In the texts that belong to Yuan 元 (1271–1368), Ming 明 (1368–1644) and Qing 清 (1636–1912) dynasties, we can identify at least 330 places that mention TRHY. However, its meaning varies.6 According to these texts, TRHY is used to refer to the oneness of heaven and humanity with respect to natural laws, or to the oneness of heaven and humanity with respect to moral principles, and more. Thus, although we can observe an increasing trend to adopt this term, there is no consensus on what TRHY refers to. This fact suggests that TRHY cannot be considered as a formed term with a fixed set of meanings. Furthermore, as Liu Xiaogan 劉笑敢 observes, there is no philosopher in this period who took TRHY as a central term to develop her philosophy (Liu, 2011, p. 80). It is not until the twentieth century that TRHY has gained popularity among Chinese schol- ars. This period witnesses a process of modern Chinese scholarship being interwoven with global academia, in which Chinese culture is frequently criticized as backward. Since the May Fourth Movement in 1919, an increasing number of scholars have contended that Chinese tradition is an ob- stacle to China's modernization and therefore, loses its relevance in the modern world.7 Meanwhile, there is another group of scholars who aver that Chinese tradition could contribute to the modern world, and for them, a pressing concern is about how to advance its features, particularly its possible contributions, to the contemporary world. Jin Yuelin 金岳霖, Qian Mu 錢穆, and Ji Xianlin 季羨林 are three foremost scholars engaging in advancing Chinese tradition to the world. They all maintain that TRHY is one of the most distinctive terms in Chinese culture. Jin argues that TRHY represents the most distinct feature in Chinese culture: subjects and objects are in oneness, differences elimi- nated, and an individual and the universe become one (Jin, 1985, pp. 40–41). Qian's understanding of TRHY is different from Jin's. According to Qian, TRHY refers specifically to the oneness between tianming 天命 (the mandate of heaven) and rensheng 人生 (the life of humans), representing the harmony between heaven and humans; and Qian further argues that TRHY can avoid the separation of rensheng from tianming, a feature that is deeply rooted in the Western culture (Qian, 1991, pp. 93– 94). Ji provides another understanding of TRHY. For Ji, TRHY refers to an ideal harmony between humans and nature, which possesses great significance to the contemporary nature conservation (Ji, 1993). Although these scholars' understandings of TRHY are different, owing to their promotion, TRHY becomes extremely prevalent not only in the academic circle but also in the general public.8 I have sketched out the development of TRHY in the history of Chinese philosophy, in which we cannot find any consensus on the use of the term TRHY and its meaning varies with contexts. It is in the late twentieth century that TRHY began to gain popularity and since then, has been widely discussed both in the academic circle and in the public sphere. Despite its huge popular- ity, doubts on the significance of TRHY in Chinese philosophy, however, never cease. In the next section, I first dissect the term TRHY and then analyze issues surrounding this term. 3 | DISSECTING TRHY AND ANALYZING ITS RELATED ISSUES 3.1 | Dissecting TRHY The term TRHY can be divided into two parts: TR and HY. TR consists of two graphs, namely tian 天 and ren 人. Ren literally means humanity, while the meaning of tian varies with contexts. 50 | HE In TRHY, there are three senses that tian is often used to denote: God (or the highest divine force), the natural organism without divinity but embodying the highest principles, and nature.9 Accordingly, TR literally means “God and humanity,” or “the natural organism with the highest principles and humanity,” or “nature and humanity.” HY also comprises two graphs, namely he 合 and yi 一 (oneness). The meaning of he is closely associated with its graphic form. In the oracle bones, he is inscribed as (Li, 1999, p. 380), which consists of the upper part —which represents a bronze cover—and the lower part —which represents a bronze vessel. Thus, according to the graphic form , he represents a state in which the bronze cover and the bronze vessel are unified as a whole. This reading of he can be sup- ported by the Shuowen jiezi 說文解字, an authoritative lexicon in the Eastern Han 東漢 (25–220), in which he is considered synonymous with hui 會, a graph also representing the unity between the upper and lower parts of a vessel (Duan, 1981, p. 223).10 Both the oracle bones and the lexi- con Shuowen jiezi reveal that he describes a state in which different parts are united as a whole. Therefore, HY literally means different entities united as one. It should be noted that although the graph yi appears simple, its meaning is quite complicated. A detailed discussion of yi is beyond the scope of this article. Nonetheless, I intend to adopt an in- cisive account of oneness by P. J. Ivanhoe, which is instrumental to our understanding of TRHY: Even a concept as apparently simple as “oneness” can be complex: it turns out there is more than one way to be one. The strongest sense in which two or more things can be one is by the relation of numerical identity: Clark Kent and Superman are one in this way. Some who defend environmental concern based on interpretations of the Gaia hypothesis rely on an only slightly less robust sense of oneness—something we might refer to as the “nature is a blended whole” hypothesis—when they insist that each and every part of the world is inextricably intertwined and passes in and out of one another. Two or more things can also be one by being parts of a single organic body, as my arm is one with the rest of me. This idea often is confused with the idea of being part of a single ecosystem. In the latter case, though, the relationship between part and whole is not as direct or crucial as in the former. Removing important members of an ecosystem may alter the system, but rarely will it lead to its collapse or directly and immediately affect all the other parts; cutting off a person's arm or head will have more immediate and dire results. A fifth way to be one with others is as a member of some tradition, institution, team, club, or group. (Ivanhoe, 2018, p. 19) Ivanhoe illustrates five senses of oneness. With regard to the relation between different enti- ties becoming one, they are from the strongest to the weakest. The strongest sense of oneness is by the relation of numerical identity, such as two names—for example, Clark Kent and Superman—referring to the same person. The weakest sense of oneness is by the relation of different entities becoming one by sharing one or more features, or rules, or others. For exam- ple, different people belong to the same reading group by sharing the same interest in reading particular books. We can observe the difference between the two senses: for the strongest sense, different entities—such as different names—are identical, referring to the same per- son; for the broadest sense, different entities—such as different persons—are in oneness, with regard to some aspect, such as the same interest in reading, while different in other aspects, such as profession, or education background, or language. Hence, Ivanhoe gives us a nuanced account of oneness: although we can consider the relation between different entities as one, the ways these entities come as one are quite different and complicated. | 51 HOW HEAVEN AND HUMANITY ARE UNITED AS ONE Let me employ Ivanhoe's account to elaborate on TRHY. As the combination of TR and HY, TRHY means tian and humanity united as one. Since in the strongest sense of oneness, tian—be it God, or the natural organism, or nature—and humanity can never be identical, TRHY should be understood in the broadest sense: tian and humanity are united as one with respect to some aspect, while different in other aspects. Furthermore, as tian is often used to refer to God, or the natural organism, or nature, there are accordingly three types of TRHY, namely God and hu- manity united as one with some respect, the natural organism—without divinity—and humanity united as one with respect to some aspect, nature and humanity united as one with respect to some aspect. We can find that most of the traditional and contemporary accounts of TRHY can be cat- egorized into these three types (D. N. Zhang, 1985). Dong's tianren heyi belongs to the first type. For Dong, tian represents the highest divine force, and tian and humanity have the same qi and heart-mind.11 Thus, TRHY means that the highest divine force and humanity become one with respect to qi and heart-mind (Su, 1992, p. 341).12 In other words, it is because the highest divine force and humanity share the same element qi and the moral principles that the two become one. In the second type, tian refers to the natural organism, which embodies moral principles but without divinity.13 Most philosophers since the Song dynasty take the graph tian of TRHY in this sense, and their understandings of TRHY fall into this type.14 For example, in Zhang Zai's un- derstanding, tian represents the natural organism embodying the highest moral principles, and accordingly, TRHY means that the natural organism and humanity become one with respect to the highest moral principles (Z. Zhang, 1978, p. 65). That is, through self-cultivation, humanity can obtain the highest moral principles with respect to which humanity and the natural organ- ism become one. The third type is held among many modern scholars who witness the environmental dete- rioration and so advocate for nature conservation. For example, Ji Xianlin observes that the guided view in the industrial period that proposes humanity's dominion over nature leads the environment into deterioration, and the thought of TRHY is an antidote to the deterioration of nature. According to Ji, humanity, plants, and animals are interdependent in the same environment, in which each and every one will be inevitably influenced by its deterioration. Thus, Ji's TRHY means that plants, animals, and humanity become one, with respect to the same environment that they live in (Ji, 1993, pp. 14–15). Particularly, for the majority of mod- ern Chinese scholars, this type of TRHY is relevant and can contribute to the contemporary environment philosophy.15 Hence, for the three types of TRHY that we can identify in traditional and modern discus- sions, the aspects that unite heaven and humanity as one are quite different: they could be qi and heart-mind, or the highest moral principles, or the same natural world. As most scholars fail to clarify the difference between these types, their uses of TRHY are ambiguous and often lead to confusion. Issues related to the uses of TRHY will be examined in the following section. 3.2 | Issues related to the term TRHY The first issue concerns the significance of TRHY in the history of Chinese thought. We cannot identify the term TRHY in any early texts that belong to Pre-Qin or Han dynasty, a period that plays a crucial role in the development of Chinese philosophy. Its absence in early texts suggests that TRHY is not so significant to early Chinese thinkers as other terms such as Dao 道. We can 52 | HE identify Dao from various philosophical texts. Confucians take Dao as a political ideal which can be reached through practicing ritual; Mohists also consider Dao as a political ideal which can be realized by following rulers' decrees; Taoists distinctively derive every principle, moral or politi- cal, from Dao, and a way to realize the political Dao is to adopt the principle of non-deliberate action (wuwei 無為). Although the conceptions of the ideal Dao are divergent for these philo- sophical streams, nevertheless, they all take Dao as a central term to develop their theories.16 In contrast, the term TRHY cannot be identified in any early texts, which shows that no thinkers in that period considered it essential to their philosophies. Yu Yingshi 余英時 defends its significance, arguing that TRHY should not be taken as a the- ory with specific meanings, but rather as a “way of thinking” (siwei fangshi 思維方式) (Yu, 2007, p. 14). According to Yu, there are three types of TRHY. First, TRHY means the oneness between heavenly mandate and the heart-mind (renxin 人心), which can be shown in phrases such as “the intelligence of heaven is in line with the intelligence of people” of the Book of Documents (Shangshu 尚書). The second type of TRHY refers to a spiritual state of oneness between heaven and humanity, which can be presented in the phrase from the Mengzi, namely, “he who has ex- hausted all his mental constitution knows his nature. Knowing his nature, he knows Heaven.” The last type represents an organic whole that consists of heaven, earth, and the ten thousand things. This type can be observed from the Chunqiu fanlu, which says “heaven also has the qi of pleasure and anger, the heart-mind of sorrow and joy, (the qi and the heart-mind) are matched with those of humans.”17 In the phrases that Yu uses to illustrate his three types, we cannot iden- tify the term TRHY. Thus, by the “way of thinking” Yu means that even if not expressed by the term TRHY, any thinking that implies a relation between heaven and humanity can be concep- tually considered TRHY. As a way of thinking, Yu (2007) further suggests that TRHY is almost manifested in every aspect of Chinese culture, such as art, literature, philosophy, religion, and political thoughts. This broad understanding of TRHY is rejected by Liu (2011), who says “there is no thought in ancient China that can avoid discussing the cosmos or heaven and earth, and so almost every thought can be ultimately related to TRHY after analysis” (p. 73).18 Without an exact definition or content, TRHY is so inclusive that almost all philosophies can be encompassed. Thus, we can observe ambiguities and confusion in adopting TRHY. For instance, Jin (1985) uses TRHY to represent the oneness between nature and humanity, the oneness between God and humanity, the oneness between an individual and society, and more. When reading TRHY in the same article, one may be confused about what particular type Jin intends to describe.19 Another example for the confusion existing in using TRHY concerns the relation between hu- mans and nature. Ji (1993) takes TRHY in a broad sense and suggests that a prime type of TRHY is of the oneness between humans and nature. However, Li Sheng 李申 (2005) refutes Ji's view by focusing solely on the term TRHY and arguing that in the texts where this term appears, it is never used to refer to the oneness between humans and nature. Hence, without a clear definition of TRHY, any consensus on using this term to describe the oneness between humans and nature would be hardly reached. The last issue concerns reasons why TRHY is widely adopted by modern scholars. A main argument for advancing TRHY is that it possesses two unique features that Chinese philos- ophy can contribute to the world. For one, TRHY depicts a unique way for self-cultivation whereby heaven and humanity become one. For the other, TRHY represents a typical Chinese understanding of the harmonious unity between humanity and nature.20 Yet the significance of these two features can be accordingly weakened by the following two facts. First, the way of self-cultivation that TRHY reveals is also embraced by other civilizations. For example, a comparable method, namely askēsis or spiritual excises, can also be found in ancient Greek.21 | 53 HOW HEAVEN AND HUMANITY ARE UNITED AS ONE Hence, rather than being regarded as unique, the Chinese conception of self-cultivation can be, at best, regarded as an example instrumental for cross-cultural studies. Second, abundant history records show that before the industrial age, the ecological system in the northern China had significantly deteriorated,22 and so the harmonious unity between nature and hu- manity that TRHY implies had little influence on the conservation of the environment in ancient China. That TRHY can play a significant role in the contemporary environmental conservation, therefore, is cast in doubt.23 Given the absence of TRHY in early texts, the ambiguity and confusion in using it, and its significance in philosophical discussion and environmental conservation, TRHY should not be taken as a useful term in academic discussion. Nonetheless, I do not suggest that the oneness between heaven and humanity—which TRHY is often used to represent—deserves no investiga- tion; I do suggest that in any discussion of this relation, TRHY is so ambiguous that often leads to confusion. In addition, it is worth noting that I do not propose that an idea (for example, the oneness be- tween heaven and humanity) can only exist if the term (namely TRHY) exists. I take a moderate position that doing Chinese philosophy should be first and foremost based on texts from which key terms can be identified and deciphered. TRHY should not be taken as an overarching term, but just as one of many ways to express the oneness of heaven and humanity. This will trans- form current discussion on oneness between heaven and humanity to focus on key terms that are peculiar to the text, allowing future discussions to be much more systematic and solid.24 To investigate the oneness between heaven and humanity, in the next section, I will propose a new and more feasible approach. 4 | TONG AS AN ALTERNATIVE TO TRHY In Section 2 and 3, I have presented various traditional and modern understandings of TRHY. However divergent these understandings are, there is a shared ground between them: regardless of references of tian, TRHY is used to represent an ideal relation—namely the oneness—between heaven and humanity. Yet, given the issues that I discussed in Section 3.2, it is inappropriate to adopt TRHY to investigate this relation. A new approach to investigate this relation, therefore, should avoid these issues: the absence of TRHY in early texts (issue one), and the ambiguity and confusion in using it (issue two).25 To propose tong as a new approach, in Section 4.1, I explain how tong can avoid issue one. I first briefly discuss the presence of tong in early texts, demonstrating that tong is widely used as a central concept to describe an ideal relation between heaven and humanity. Section 4.2 analyses how issue two can be avoided. I present three visions of tong, namely datong 大同, shangtong 尚同, and xuantong 玄同, which are developed respectively by Confucians, Mohists, and Taoists, and represent three distinct understandings of how heaven and human- ity are united. 4.1 | The presence of tong in early texts Tong is usually understood as “sameness,” or “unity,” or “conformity.” Instead of these com- mon understandings, I use a nuanced account that is proposed by Fan He. Based on the defi- nition of tong in the Canon of the Mozi, He (2019) argues that tong should be more accurately 54 | HE described as “when different X, where X can be properties, characteristics, entities, etc., share at least a Y, where Y can be property, characteristic, entity, etc., the different X become one with respect to Y” (p. 117)—call it nuanced definition. He (2019) further demonstrates that the nuanced definition is not just advanced by the Mohists; it is commonly accepted across philosophical streams in early China (pp. 117–121).26 I take the nuanced definition for the following discussion. In the Mozi, a chapter titled “Shang Tong” 尚同 proposes a theory of tong in society. According to the text, all people under heaven should be tong not only with the Son of Heaven (tianzi 天子) but fundamentally with heaven. Heaven is considered as an anthropomorphic divine force; it has emotions such as joy and anger, and principles which require absolute conformity from humans (Y. R. Sun, 2001, pp. 76, 81). Thus, tong describes an ideal state in which as a result of the humans' absolute conformity, heaven and humans become one. The Confucian text Liji 禮記 uses datong 大同 and hetong 和同 to portray two different ideal relations between heaven and humanity. The “Li Yun” 禮運 chapter depicts a datong society in which everyone's conduct is spontaneous and consistent with li 禮 (ritual). Li is a central method proposed by the “Li Yun”; it is essentially related to heaven and used by sage kings to realize the heavenly way (X. D. Sun, 1989, pp. 581–582, 616). In other words, the datong society represents the oneness between heaven and humanity, which results from the humans' spontaneously following li. Hetong characterizes another type of relation between heaven and humanity. According to the “Yue Ling” 月令 chapter, when the qi 氣 descending from heaven above and the qi rising from earth below harmoniously converge, all plants start to grow (X. D. Sun, 1989, p. 417). In this context, hetong refers to a state in which all things in the universe are in harmonious oneness. In Taoist tradition, a central term is xuantong 玄同. In the Laozi 老子, xuantong refers to a state in which one is in harmonious unity with her surroundings (Gao, 1996, p. 98).27 Yet it is in the Wenzi 文子 that this term is fully developed. According to the text, xuantong denotes an ideal spiritual state in which one, through self-cultivation, eventually detaches from desires and emotions and treats everything without distinction, namely, in oneness with the whole universe (Wang, 2000, pp. 18–19, 162–163, 338).28 In addition, the Huangdi sijing 黃帝四經,29 an excavated silk manuscript from Mawangdui 馬王堆, employs the term shangtong 上同 to describe an ideal relation between heaven and hu- manity. This text maintains that if a ruler consults everything in the cosmos—including heaven, earth, and people—to make sensible decisions in governance, a grand state of oneness between the ruler, the people, heaven, and earth would be reached (Chen, 2007, p. 103). In short, these instances exhibit the conspicuous presence of tong in various early texts. They also reveal how different philosophical streams develop their unique understandings of the ideal relation between heaven and humanity by focusing on tong. 4.2 | Three visions of the ideal relation between heaven and humanity To account for how heaven and humanity are united as one, in this section, I focus on three terms that are respectively coined by Mohists, Confucians, and Taoists, namely shangtong, da- tong, and xuantong. Shangtong is a central term in the “Shangtong” chapter of the Mozi, which denotes a Mohist way to the oneness between heaven and humanity. Shangtong comprises two levels | 55 HOW HEAVEN AND HUMANITY ARE UNITED AS ONE of conformity. The first level is the down-top conformity to government leaders. According to the “Shangtong” chapter, there is a political system including the Son of Heaven who rules the whole world, then the Three Dukes who assist the Son of Heaven to solve daily affairs, the feudal lords ruling the states, the village heads ruling villages, the district heads ruling districts, and the common people in the lowest rank (Y. R. Sun, 2001, pp. 74–75). All people in this system are required to absolutely conform to their superiors, that is, “what the superior takes to be right, all must take to be right. What the superior takes to be wrong, all must take to be wrong” (Johnston, 2009, p. 93). The whole society can thus be governed by such down- top conformity: common people conform to district heads, district heads conform to village heads, village heads conform to feudal lords, feudal lords conform to the Three Dukes, and the Three Dukes conform to the Son of Heaven. Through the down-top conformity, every top- down decree is absolutely obeyed and executed. Consequently, all people in society are untied as an orderly whole. The other level that shangtong comprises concerns the conformity to heaven, namely, to take heaven as the standard. The “Fayi” 法儀 chapter says: If Heaven is taken as the standard, then all one's actions must be measured against Heaven. […]. [W]hat does Heaven desire, what does Heaven abhor? Undoubtedly what Heaven desires is that there be mutual care and mutual benefit among people. What it does not desire is that there be mutual hatred and mutual harm among peo- ple. How do we know that Heaven desires mutual care and mutual benefit among people and does not desire mutual hatred and mutual harm among people? Because it is inclusive in caring them and inclusive in benefiting them. (Johnston, 2009, p. 27) Taking heaven as the standard means knowing what heaven desires, and what heaven desires is mutual care and mutual benefit among people. The practice of mutual care and mutual benefit is discussed in another chapter, “Jianai” 兼愛: [W]hat are the methods of universal mutual care and exchange of mutual benefit? Master Mo Zi said: “People would view others' states as they view their own states. People would view others' houses as they view their own houses. People would view other people as they view themselves. So the feudal lords would care each other and then there would not be savage battles. Heads of houses would care each other and then there would not be mutual usurpation. Individual people would care each other and then they would not injure each other. Rulers and minsters would care each other and then there would be kindness and loyalty. Fathers and sons would care each other and then there would be compassion and filial conduct. If the people of the world all cared each other, the strong would not dominate the weak, the many would not plunder the few, the rich would not despise the poor, the noble would not scorn the lowly, and the cunning would not deceive the foolish …” (Johnston, 2009, p. 139) The practice of mutual care and mutual benefit first exists in compassion and filial conduct between family members, and then applies to immediate relatives, to friends, and eventually to all others of society. This practice is also required in political arena; government officials should provide kindness and loyalty to each other. Once the principles of mutual care and mutual benefit prevail in every rank of society, the conformity to heaven is realized. 56 | HE Thus, the first level of conformity leads society to an orderly whole, and the second level leads to the unity of society and heaven. The combination of the two levels leads to an ideal state—namely, oneness—between individuals, society, and heaven. Therefore, the Mohist way to oneness between heaven and humanity exists not just in the down-top obedience, but more essentially, in the universal practice of mutual care and mutual benefit across every rank of society.30 A Confucian vision of oneness between heaven and humanity can be captured by the term datong, which is discussed in the “Liyun” chapter of the Liji: When the great Way was practiced, the world was shared by all alike. The worthy and the able were promoted to office and men practiced good faith and lived in af- fection. Therefore they did not regard as parents only their own parents, or as sons only their own sons. The aged found a fitting close to their lives, the robust their proper employment; the young were provided with an upbringing and the widow and widower, the orphaned and the sick, with proper care. Men had their tasks and women their hearths. They hated to see goods lying about in waste, yet they did not hoard them for themselves; they disliked the thought that their energies were not fully used, yet they used them not for private ends. Therefore all evil plotting was prevented and thieves and rebels did not arise, so that people could leave their outer gates unbolted. This is what is called datong. (de Bary et al., 1960, p. 175)31 Datong depicts an ideal state in which all virtuous acts are spontaneously enacted by each and every one in society. These acts include showing compassion and care to others, selfless contribution to society, and others. Moreover, this passage suggests that the crucial way to reach datong exists in practicing the great Way. We can identify an intimate relation between the Way, heaven, and ritual. In other places of the “Liyun,” the Way is used with heaven in phrases such as tianzhidao 天之道 and tiandao 天道 (X. D. Sun, 1989, pp. 585, 617), which mean that the Way is ultimately derived from heaven. How can humans reach the Way? The crucial tool is ritual. As the “Liyun” suggests, ritual is employed by sages to regulate people; if people all under heaven were cultivated and behaving in accordance with ritual, the Way of heaven would prevail in society. Through ritual, humans are ultimately united with heaven: the whole society reaches an ideal state that we can call the oneness between heaven and humanity.32 Thus, a way that relies on ritual to reach the ideal relation between heaven and humanity can be understood as this. Ritual is comprehensive and all-encompassing in every part of life. It is involved in both public and private conduct on occasions such as political audiences, diplomatic missions, marriage, drinking, and eating (X. D. Sun, 1989, p. 585). Only when an act follows ritual, can it be considered proper. And through a process of self-cultivation, people can even- tually reach an ideal state in which every act is issued spontaneously and in accordance with ritual. In other words, people would not feel constrained, but rather natural to behave, such as showing respect, compassion, and care to each other, wherein a harmonious society is formed.33 Furthermore, given that ritual is the central tool for humans to realize the Way of heaven, a state in which all people in society are united as a harmonious whole by following ritual can thus be considered as the oneness between heaven and humanity.34 The Taoist vision of the oneness between heaven and humanity is distinct from the previous two. This state of oneness is described in the “Daoyuan” 道原 chapter of the Wenzi, which says, “in one heart-mind with heaven, in one body with Dao; there is neither joy nor anger; neither | 57 HOW HEAVEN AND HUMANITY ARE UNITED AS ONE happiness nor bitterness; the ten thousand things are in xuantong; neither wrong nor right” (Wang, 2000, p. 19).35 The term Xuantong represents a physical and mental state of oneness with the universe, a state in which people have detached from differences, external influences, and internal fluctuations, reaching the spiritual tranquility. How can the ideal state be realized? The “Daoyuan” says: [One should] value the self but devalue the world; appreciate the cultivation of the self but depreciate the cultivation of others; not let things disturb (the inter- nal) harmony; not let desires disorder emotions; hide the name; if he has Dao, his name is hidden; if he does not have Dao, his name is revealed; act non-action, engage non-engagement, know non-knowledge; possess the Dao of heaven; em- brace the heart-mind of heaven; exhale and inhale (the qi) of yin and yang; spit the old and take in the new; shut with yin; open with yang; unfold and fold with the hard and soft; move upwards and downward with yin and yang. (Wang, 2000, pp. 18–19) The way to xuantong involves two aspects of cultivation: mental cultivation and physical cultivation. Rather than stressing the external world, the mental cultivation focuses on the internal self, which requires disengagement from external activities such as pursuing profits or engaging epistemic dis- tinctions. As a result of this disengagement, the mind would not only remain tranquil and detach from external influences; it would also treat all things in the world without distinction and in this sense, the boundary between the self and the world ultimately vanishes. Such an ideal mental state is depicted as “in one heart-mind with heaven, in one body with Dao” (Wang, 2000, p. 19).36 Through the mental cultivation, the mind is united with the whole universe as one. The physical cultivation focuses on controlling qi. By masterfully exhaling and inhaling the qi of yin and yang, a harmoni- ous exchange of qi between the body and the external world can be sustained, whereby the body is united with the whole world as one. Thus, through the mental and physical cultivation comes an ideal state in which each and everything in the universe are treated without distinction and inter- connected as a harmonious whole. I have presented three visions of how heaven and humanity are united as one. The Mohist shangtong requires the down-top obedience from all people in society and their following the principles of mutual care and mutual benefit that are issued from heaven, through which all humans reach oneness with heaven. The Confucian datong involves practicing ritual in society. Only when each and every one practices ritual to the extent that it is never felt as the constraint from outside but spontaneously followed in every conduct, can the oneness between heaven and all humans be reached. The Taoist xuantong requires both physical and mental cultivation. Through masterfully controlling qi and mentally detaching from external influences, the bound- ary between the self and the external world vanishes: all things in the universe are intercon- nected as one. 5 | CONCLUSION TRHY becomes increasingly prevalent in modern scholarship. However, the absence of its use in early Chinese philosophy, the vagueness of its meaning, and the exaggeration of its philo- sophical relevance to contemporary world cast deep doubts on the significance or uniqueness of TRHY to Chinese culture. Moreover, without a clear definition or concrete content, TRHY 58 | HE often leads discussions of the relation between heaven and humanity into ambiguity and even confusion. In contrast to TRHY, tong is widely adopted by various philosophical streams: shangtong in Mohism, datong in Confucianism, and xuantong in Daoism. To advance tong as an alternative to TRHY, I present three unique visions of the oneness between heaven and humanity that are epitomized by the three terms, shangtong, datong, and xuantong. To reach full understandings of the ideal relation heaven and humanity, I believe tong provides a first solid step to further investigation. ENDNOTES 1 I distinguish TRHY as a term from the subject, namely the oneness between heaven and humanity, that TRHY is used by a majority of scholars to refer to. In this article, I consistently use TRHY to refer to TRHY as a term. It should be noted that I do not deny that the subject that TRHY refers to is a central issue in the history of Chinese philosophy, but I do suggest that using TRHY to approach this subject is improper. 2 A stimulating discussion of this approach to study Chinese philosophy, see Park (2021, pp. 12–13). 3 A similar approach can be found in Zongqi Cai's account of the phrase, yiyi nizhi 以意逆志, see Z. Q. Cai (2014). 4 The Principle (li 理) is generally understood in moral sense. Yet it deserves mention that li should also be un- derstood in epistemological and metaphysical perspectives. For a detailed account of li, see Patt-Shamir (2020, pp. 243–263). Thanks to a reviewer for pointing out this. 5 It should be noted that in another place, Cheng brothers maintain that there is no division between heaven and humanity (tianren wujian 天人無閒), and argue against the expression, “uniting heaven and humanity” (he tianren 合天人), because uniting implies the separateness of the two (Cheng & Cheng, 1981, p. 33). The witting avoidance of the use of “uniting heaven and humanity” clearly shows that the expression TRHY was not commonly accepted. I thank a reviewer for pointing out this saying from Cheng brothers. 6 Liu Xiaogan makes a thorough survey of the use of TRHY in this period, see Liu (2011, pp. 73–80). I adopt his discussion of TRHY in the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties. 7 For a detailed account of the radical anti-traditionalism in the Modern China, see Lin (1979). 8 Many Chinese scholars advance Qian and Ji's discussions, see Cai (1994), C. S. Li (1994), Ren (1996), S. Y. Zhang (2007), Liu (2011), C. Y. Li (2014), and Yu (2014). TRHY also appears in English scholarship, see Ching (1997), C. Cheng (2011), Perkins (2014), and Yao (2017). For TRHY in media coverage, see Li (2014). 9 For the various senses of tian, see Perkins (2014, p. 29) and D. N. Zhang (1985, p. 1). It should be noted that there are other senses that tian can be used to refer to, such as the sky. Sarah Allan's insightful account of tian is particularly worth mentioning. Allan argues that tian primarily refers to the sky, where God or other ancestral spirits reside, and hence tian is used to serve as a euphemism for God. For Allan's detailed account, see Allan (2007). Nonetheless, in this article, I do not include the sense of the sky to discuss tian, because rather than the sky, those who adopt the term TRHY often refer to tian as God, or the natural organism, or nature. 10 For detailed accounts of “合” and “會,” see P. Li (1999, pp. 381–384, 402–406) and He (2019, p. 120). 11 I do not mean that besides God, there is no other sense that Dong's tian can refer to. I just suggest that tian in Dong's mention of TRHY denotes God. 12 In terms of wording, Dong's phrase tianren yiye is not identical with TRHY. Given that tianren yiye clearly refers to the oneness between heaven and man, therefore, I take Dong's phrase as one type of TRHY. 13 For a detailed account of the philosophy of organism, see Needham (1956, pp. 279–293). 14 Modern scholars, such as Qian Mu, also discuss TRHY in this sense. Qian emphasizes the mandate of heaven, which involves moral principles. See Qian (1991). 15 For another environmental account of TRHY, see Yao (2017). | 59 HOW HEAVEN AND HUMANITY ARE UNITED AS ONE 16 For detailed accounts of how early philosophical streams took Dao as an ideal, see Graham (1989) and Yu (2002, pp. 38–56). 17 For discussion of different types of TRHY, see Yu (2007, p. 14; 2012, pp. 158–164; 2014, pp. 174–178, 187). 18 George Conger (1922) expresses a close view, saying “it may be urged that all philosophy is a discussion of the relations of man and the universe, and that every particular philosophy may be stated in terms of a compari- son between the two” (p. xiii). 19 Similar examples can also be found in Qian (1991), Ji (1993), and S. Y. Zhang (2007). 20 For discussions of the two features, see Jin (1985), Qian (1991), Ji (1993), and Yao (2017). 21 This point is made by Yu (2014, pp. 212–213). For the spiritual exercise in Greek philosophy, see Dodds (1951, pp. 150, 154). 22 For a detailed account of deforestation in traditional China, see Tuan (1968, pp. 184–188). 23 It is worth mentioning He Zhaowu's 何兆武 argument against the philosophical significance of TRHY. He (2005) contends that TRHY cannot be considered as a unique Chinese feature, since the goal for every phil- osophical tradition, western or eastern, is to pursue the ultimate oneness between heaven and humanity, namely TRHY (p. 67). 24 I thank a reviewer for suggesting the clarification of my position. 25 Although I discuss three issues in 3.2, the last issue, which concerns the significance of TRHY in contempo- rary discourse, is not included here; for this issue is not directly related to the examination of how heaven and humanity are related. 26 For other accounts of tong in Confucian and Mohist traditions, see F. He (2020, 2021). 27 This sense of xuantong can also be found in the Zhuangzi 莊子. See Guo (1961, p. 353). 28 It should be noted that the same passage also appears in the Huainanzi 淮南子. Paul van Els (2018) speculates that large portions of the received Wenzi are copied from the Huainazi (pp. 107–108). However, given that this sense of xuantong appears in three different places in the Wenzi while just once in the Huainanzi, I focus on the Wenzi in my discussion. 29 Most scholars speculate that this text may come into existence since the middle Warring States (Chen, 2007, pp. 37–41). 30 For a comprehensive survey of Mohist tong, see F. He (2021, pp. 165–171). 31 The italics are my revision. 32 For example, in one place, the “Liyun” says, “ritual is used by previous kings to follow the Way of heaven and to regulate people's emotions”; in another, “ritual must be derived from heaven” (X. D. Sun, 1989, pp. 585, 616). 33 Chenyang Li provides an insightful account of the role that ritual plays in a harmonious society. Li (2007) ar- gues that “li 禮 (ritual) is embedded in a culture as grammar is in a language. As the basic rules and norms of human behavior in a society, li is embedded in people's everyday behavior as grammar is embedded in everyday expressions. We usually do not learn li in abstract forms, nor do we usually learn grammar in abstract forms. One becomes proficient in practicing li by following patterns of human activity in daily life, as one becomes grammat- ically proficient by using linguistic patterns. Although a person who has become skillful in performing li does not have to think about it all the time—one can act naturally in accordance with li—when someone does not behave appropriately, we will quickly notice that he or she violates some rules of li ” (p. 318). 34 For a detailed account of the ritual in the datong society, see F. He (2020, pp. 326–330). 35 The same sense is also articulated in the “Jiushou” 九守 and “Weiming” 微明 chapters. See Wang (2000, pp. 163, 338). 36 The same sense is also articulated in the “Jiushou” chapter, which maintains that focus on the self rather than the external world would eventually lead into a spiritual state in which all the ten thousand things are possessed in the self (Wang, 2000, p. 162). 60 | HE REFERENCES Allan, S. (2007). On the identity of Shang Di 上帝 and the origin of the concept of a celestial mandate (TIAN MING 天命). Early China, 31, 1–46. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0362502800001796 Cai, Z. D. (1994). Yetan tianren heyi 也談 “天人合一” (Also talking about the oneness between heaven and humanity). Chuantong Wenhua Yu Xiandaihua 傳統文化與現代化 [Traditional Culture and Modernization], 5, 8–16. Cai, Z. Q. (2014). The richness of ambiguity: A Mencian statement and interpretive theory and practice in Premodern China. Journal of Chinese Literature and Culture, 1(1–2), 262–288. https://doi.org/10.1215/23290 048-2749443 Chen, G. Y. (2007). Huangdi sijing jinzhu jinyi 黃帝四經今注今譯 [Glosses and translations on the Four Canons of Yellow Emperor]. Shangwu yinshuguan. Cheng, C. (2011). Preface: Unity of heaven and man in the Yijing. Journal of Chinese Philosophy, 38(3), 333–334. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6253.2011.01657.x Cheng, H., & Cheng, Y. (1981). Ercheng ji 二程集 [The collected works by Cheng Brothers]. Zhonghua shuju. Ching, J. (1997). Mysticism and kingship in China. Cambridge University Press. Conger, G. P. (1922). Theories of macrocosms and microcosms in the history of philosophy. Columbia University Press. de Bary, W., Chan, W. T., & Watson, B. (1960). Sources of Chinese tradition I. Colombia University Press. Dodds, E. R. (1951). The Greeks and the irrational. University of California Press. Duan, Y. C. (1981). Shuowen jiezizhu 說文解字注 [Annotations on the explaining graphs and analyzing charac- ters]. Shanghai guji chubanse. Gao, M. (1996). Boshu laozi jiaozhu 帛書老子校注 [Collation and glosses on the silk manuscript of the Laozi]. Zhonghua shuju. Graham, A. C. (1989). Disputes of the Dao. Open Court. Guo, Q. F. (1961). Zhuangzi jishi 莊子集釋 [Collected commentaries on the Zhuangzi]. Zhonghua shuju. He, F. (2019). Difference to one: A nuanced early Chinese account of Tong. Asian Philosophy, 29(2), 116–127. https://doi.org/10.1080/09552367.2019.1616381 He, F. (2020). How to unite a society with differences and divisions. Monumenta Serica, 68(2), 315–337. https:// doi.org/10.1080/02549948.2020.1831208 He, F. (2021). Tong: A Mohist response to the Confucian harmony. In C. Li, S. H. Kwok, & D. Düring (Eds.), Harmony in Chinese thought (pp. 161–175). Rowman & Littlefield. He, Z. W. (2005). Lishi lixingde chongjian 歷史理性的重建 [Reconstruction of the historical rationality]. Beijing daxue chubanshe. Ivanhoe, P. J. (2018). Oneness: East Asian conceptions of virtue, happiness, and how we are all connected. Oxford University Press. Ji, X. L. (1993). Tianren heyi xinjie “天人合一” 新解 (New interpretation of the oneness between heaven and hunamity). Chuantong Wenhua Yu Xiandaihua 傳統文化與現代化 [Traditional Culture and Modernization], 1, 9–16. Jin, Y. L. (1985). Zhongguo zhexue 中國哲學 (Chinese philosophy). Zhexue Yanjiu哲學研究 [Philosophy Studies], 9, 38–44. Johnston, I. (2009). The Mozi: A complete translation. Columbia University Press. Li, C. S. (1994). Xi tianren heyi 析 “天人合一” (Analyzing the oneness between heaven and humanity). Chuantong Wenhua Yu Xiandaihua 傳統文化與現代化 [Traditional Culture and Modernization], 4, 12–20. Li, C. Y. (2007). Li as cultural grammar: On the relation between Li and Ren in Confucius' analects. Philosophy East and West, 57(3), 311–329. https://doi.org/10.1353/pew.2007.0033 Li, C. Y. (2014). Shi tianren heyi haishi tiandiren sancai 是“天人合一” 還是 “天地人” 三才 (The oneness be- tween heaven and humanity or the three elements of heaven, earth, and humanity). Zhouyi Yanjiu 周易研究 [Studies of the Book of the Change], 5, 5–10. Li, P. (1999). Guwenzi gulin diwuce古文字詁林第五冊 [Explanation of ancient graphs vol 5]. Jiaoyu chubanshe. Li, S. (2005). Tianren heyi bushi renyu ziran de heyi “天人合一” 不是人與自然的合一 (The oneness between heaven and humanity is not the oneness between humanity and nature). Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuanbao 中國社會科學院院報 [journal of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences], A3. | 61 HOW HEAVEN AND HUMANITY ARE UNITED AS ONE Lin, Y. (1979). The crisis of Chinese consciousness: radical antitraditionalism in the May Fourth Era. University of Wisconsin Press. Liu, X. G. (2011). Tianren heyi: Xueshu xueshuo xinyang 天人合一: 學術, 學說, 信仰 (The oneness between heaven and humanity: Learning, theories, and belief). Nanjing Daxue Xuebao 南京大學學報 [journal of Nanjing University], 6, 67–85. Needham, J. (1956). Science and civilization in China volume 2: History of scientific thought. Cambridge University Press. Park, S. J. (2021). He (和), the concept cluster of harmony in early China. In C. Li, S. H. Kwok, & D. Düring (Eds.), Harmony in Chinese thought (pp. 3–21). Rowman & Littlefield. Patt-Shamir, G. (2020). Li and Qi as supra-metaphysics. In K. Ng, & Y. Huang (Eds.), Dao companion to Zhu Xi's philosophy (pp. 243–263). Springer. Perkins, F. (2014). Heaven and earth are not humane: The problem of evil in classical Chinese philosophy. Indiana University Press. Qian, M. (1991). Zhongguo wenhua dui renleiweilai keyoude gongxian 中國文化對人類未來可有的貢獻 (Possible contributions that Chinese culture can contribute to humanity in future). Zhongguo Wenhua 中國文化 [Chinese Culture], 4, 93–96. Ren, J. Y. (1996). Shilun tianren heyi 試論“天人合一” (Tentative discussion of the oneness between heaven and humanity). Chuantong Wenhua Yu Xiandaihua 傳統文化與現代化 [Traditional Culture and Modernization], 1, 3–6. Su, Y. (1992). Chunqiu fanlu yizheng 春秋繁露義證 [Annotation on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals]. Zhonghua shuju. Sun, X. D. (1989). Liji jijie 禮記集解 [Collected Glosses of the Book of Rites]. Zhonghua shuju. Sun, Y. R. (2001). Mozi jiangu墨子閒詁 [Annotation on the Mozi]. Zhonghua shuju. Tuan, Y. F. (1968). Discrepancies between environmental attitudes and behaviour: Examples from Europe and China. Canadian Geographer, 12(3), 176–181. van Els, P. (2018). The Wenzi: Creativity and intertextuality in Early Chinese philosophy. Brill. Wang, L. Q. (2000). Wenzi suyi 文子疏義 [Annotation on the Wenzi]. Zhonghua shuju. Yao, X. (2017). The Confucian aspiration at the heart of “Tianren Heyi”: Eco-centrism, anthropocentrism, and the anthrocosmic relationship in traditional Confucian thought. In X. Yao (Ed.), Reconceptualizing Confucian philosophy in the 21st century (pp. 413–426). Springer. Yu, Y. S. (2002). Zhongguo zhishi jieceng shilun 中國知識階層史論 [Discussion of the history of Chinese intellec- tuals]. Lianjing chuban. Yu, Y. S. (2007). Renwen yu lixingde zhongguo 人文與理性的中國 [The humanistic and rational China]. Shanghai guji chubanshe. Yu, Y. S. (2012). Zhongguo wenhuashi tongshi 中國文化史通釋 [A comprehensive interpretation of Chinese cul- tural history]. Sanlian Shudian. Yu, Y. S. (2014). Lun tianren zhiji 論天人之際 [Discussion on the boundary between heaven and humanity]. Lianjing chuban. Zhang, D. N. (1985). Zhongguo zhexuezhong tianren heyi sixiangde pouxi 中國哲學中 “天人合一” 思想的剖析 (Dissection of the thought of the oneness between heaven and humanity in Chinese philosophy). Beijing Daxue Xuebao 北京大學學報 [Journal of Beijing University], 1, 1–8. Zhang, S. Y. (2007). Zhongguo gudaide tianren heyi sixiang 中國古代的 “天人合一” 思想 (The thought of oneness between heaven and humanity in traditional China). Qiushi 求是 [Investigating Truth], 7, 34–37. Zhang, Z. (1978). Zhangzai ji 張載集 [The works of Zhang Zai]. Zhonghua shuju. How to cite this article: He, F. (2022). How heaven and humanity are united as one: Tong as an alternative to tianren heyi. The Philosophical Forum, 53, 47–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/ phil.12308